崔天凯大使在哈佛大学费正清中心的演讲

Remarks by Ambassador Cui Tiankai at the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies

 

2018年4月20日

20 April 2018

 

非常荣幸应邀访问哈佛大学费正清中国研究中心。中心创办60多年来，不仅成为美国，而且成为全世界最杰出的中国研究中心。

It is an honor to be invited by the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies. The Center has been here for over 60 years. It has become the most outstanding institute for Chinese studies – not only in the United States, but also around the world.

我们非常感谢中心各位专家学者多年来做出的积极努力。中美关系发展过程中的许多关键人物，例如费正清先生、今天在座的傅高义教授，以及基辛格博士、布热津斯基博士等，都同哈佛大学和费正清中心颇有渊源。我今天下午能到这里演讲深感荣幸。

We are grateful to you for the outstanding work you have done over the years. Many of those who have played key roles in China-U.S. relations are associated with Harvard University and the Fairbank Center, like Mr. John K. Fairbank himself, Professor Ezra Vogel who is here today, as well as Dr. Henry Kissinger, and Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski. It is a great privilege to join you this afternoon and speak here.

不久前，费正清中心出版《中国问题》一书，提出了关于中国的36个重要问题，这些问题很可能塑造美国未来的中国观。对这些问题，我并没有现成的答案。但是我非常赞同宋怡明教授在该书前言中所说：“正如美国对华贸易存在赤字，美国对中国的理解也存在赤字。” 当然，对于这个赤字，并没有相应的“顺差”。尽管有人在拿美国对华贸易逆差说事，但我认为美对华“理解赤字”更为重要，也更难平衡。如果我们不全力以赴地减少“理解赤字”，那么它将给中美关系带来长期的负面影响。

The Fairbank Center published a book recently, The China Questions. It asked 36 key questions about China, which will probably shape the U.S. perception of China in the years to come. I don’t claim that I have ready answers for all these questions. But I agree with Professor Michael Szonyi on what he wrote in the book’s introduction: Just as the U.S. runs a trade deficit with China, there is an understanding deficit between the two countries. I couldn’t agree more on that. But unlike trade deficit, there is no corresponding surplus. Although some people want to make trade deficit a big issue, the understanding deficit is more significant, more difficult to balance, and may have negative impact that lasts longer if we don’t make our best efforts to reduce it.

 

我们必须共同努力，促进两国之间更准确、更深入、更符合实际的相互理解，这不仅是中美两国，也是全世界的利益之所在。我希望我们今天的讨论能为中美双方增进相互了解、减少“理解赤字”尽一点绵薄之力。

We have to work together to promote better, deeper, and more realistic mutual understanding between our two countries, which is in our mutual interests as well as those of the world. In this context, I hope that our discussions today will play a small part in promoting the mutual understanding and reducing the understanding deficit between China and the United States.

刚才，宋怡明教授全面清晰地勾勒了中美关系。我想先谈谈自己对中国和中美关系中一些根本性问题的思考，之后在问答部分再谈几个具体议题。

Professor Szonyi has just given a very good outline – a comprehensive and clear picture – of the relationship between China and the United States. I would like to start with some of my own thoughts on the fundamental questions – some basics about China and the bilateral relationship. Then I will address some specific issues during the Q&A part.

首先，我想谈谈中国给自己设定的目标。我愿向大家推荐习近平主席的两次重要讲话：一是去年10月在中国共产党第十九次全国代表大会上所作的报告，二是上周在博鳌亚洲论坛2018年年会开幕式上发表的主旨演讲。

First, I want to discuss the goals that China sets for itself. In this regard, I would like to recommend to you two speeches by President Xi Jinping – one was delivered at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China last October, and the other at the Bo’ao Forum for Asia last week as we celebrate the 40th anniversary of China’s reform and opening-up.

在十九大报告中，习主席明确了中国未来几十年的发展目标，即实现“两个一百年”奋斗目标。2021年是中国共产党成立100周年，我们将在此前的2020年实现第一个百年目标，全面建成小康社会；2049年是中华人民共和国成立100周年，我们将在2050年到来时，实现第二个百年目标，全面建成社会主义现代化强国。这是中国未来几十年实现中国梦和国家现代化的发展蓝图。

In his speech at the Party Congress, President Xi set China’s goals for development in the coming decades. Those are what we refer to as the “two centenary goals”. It means, by 2020, we will reach our first centenary goal for a moderately prosperous society in all aspects on the eve of the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China in 2021. We will accomplish the second goal for a strong socialist modernized country by 2050 as we celebrate the 100th anniversary of the People’s Republic in 2049. This is the blueprint for China’s development in the coming decades. It means that China will accomplish the Chinese Dream and the modernization of the country.

在近日博鳌亚洲论坛的主旨演讲中，习主席总结了中国改革开放40年的经验和取得的成就，指出改革开放成就了中国过去40年的发展，明确了中国将坚持走自己的路、坚持改革开放，这一点不会受到任何外部压力和影响的左右。中国对外开放的大门将越开越大，这是中国做出的战略抉择。习主席在会上还宣布了一系列扩大开放的重要举措。我认为，中国未来的发展方向是什么，中国要做什么，已经十分清楚了。

In his more recent speech at the Bo’ao Forum for Asia last week, President Xi summed up China’s achievements and experiences in the last 40 years of reform and opening-up. He made it clear that reform and opening-up was the key to China’s achievement in the past four decades, and China will continue to stick to its own path of development through reform and opening-up. This is independent from any external pressure or influence. And China will continue to open itself wider to the rest of the world. This has been a strategic choice made by China. In the same speech, President Xi also put forward a number of measures for the next stage of China’s reform and opening-up. I think the direction of China’s development and what China is going to do are quite clear.

在谈到中国的发展目标和战略时，国际社会非常关注 “新时代”一词。“新时代”意味着什么？我认为,“新时代”意味着中国进入新的更高水平的发展阶段，意味着我们要着力解决发展不平衡不充分问题，努力满足人民日益增长的美好生活的需要。

In the discussion about China’s goals and development strategy, there is one term that has caught a lot of attention internationally. That is the New Era. What does it mean? I believe it means a new and higher level of China’s development defined by the need to address the existing imbalances and inadequacies of our development as we work to meet the growing aspirations of the people for a better life.

因此，当前我们更重视的是发展质量，而不是数量；是人民的获得感，而不是单纯的经济增速；是按照经济、政治、文化、社会和生态文明“五位一体”总体布局推进全面发展战略，而不是只盯着狭义的经济增长。因此，“新时代”最主要的内容是我们将坚持以人民为中心的发展，是中国国内的发展，而不是搞地缘政治或地缘战略。

Therefore, in China today there is more emphasis on the quality rather than quantity of development, more emphasis on what real benefits people can get rather than just aggregate growth rate, and more emphasis on a more comprehensive development strategy including economic, political, cultural, social and ecological aspects, rather than very narrowly-defined economic growth. Therefore, this new era is about people-centered and domestic development of China, rather than some geopolitical or geo-strategic plan.

 

当然，“新时代”也包含中国与外部世界关系的内容。因为中国要发展，就要顺应世界潮流。中国只能在开放而不是封闭中实现发展，也只能在和平繁荣的国际环境中实现发展。我们没有称霸世界的计划，也无意用中国的“新时代”取代美国的“旧时代”。

Of course, the new era also has some external aspects because China’s development has to keep abreast with the global trends. China has to develop in openness, not in isolation. And China’s development cannot be achieved without a peaceful and prosperous international environment. But this is certainly not a plan for securing world dominance. It is certainly not a Chinese new era to replace the old American era.

我认为，“新时代”意味着中华民族这一古老的文明将进入新的发展阶段，在保持自身特色的同时实现现代化；“新时代”意味着人类五分之一人口将摆脱贫困，过上更美好的生活；“新时代”意味着一个自尊自豪的大国将重回世界舞台中央——不是为了挑战或取代任何人，而是要拥抱世界，为全人类做出新的贡献。

I believe this new era is about a new stage in the efforts of an ancient civilization to modernize itself while maintaining its own characteristics. It is about one-fifth of human race to rise out of poverty and live a better life. It is about a proud and great nation to reemerge in the global center stage, not to challenge or replace anyone, but to embrace the world by making new contribution to mankind.

 

这就引出了我所要讲的第二点：中国和国际秩序。

This leads to my second point – China and the international order.

我们认为，当今世界正经历大发展大调整大变革，科技进步和工业革命给我们带来前所未有的机遇和挑战。人类创造出前所未有的物质财富，但一些国家国内以及国与国之间的贫富差距却在加大。世界总体保持了和平稳定，但一些地区和国家仍处在武装冲突和战争的阴影之下。主要大国之间虽然没有爆发重大或直接战争，但互信严重不足。人与人之间联系更加紧密，但隔阂也在加深。世界正面临诸如恐怖主义、大规模杀伤性武器扩散、气候变化、疾病、自然灾害等全球性挑战。深化多边合作、改善国际治理的需求正在上升，但多边国际组织的作用却面临被弱化的危险。

We believe that today’s world is undergoing tremendous transformation. Technological progress and industrial revolution have brought tremendous opportunities and challenges to all of us. Much more wealth has been created than ever before. But at the same time there is a growing gap between the rich and the poor, between and within countries. The world has maintained overall peace and stability. But some regions and countries are still living in the shadow of armed conflict and war. There is no major or direct war among major countries. But still, there is little mutual confidence among them. People are more connected yet divided at the same time. And there are also a number of global challenges like terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, climate change, poverty, diseases, natural disasters, etc. The need for multilateral cooperation and better international governance is clearly growing. But at the same time, there is a real danger that the multilateral institutions may be significantly weakened. It is clear that no country can handle all the challenges by itself. No country can achieve prosperity in isolation.

没有任何国家能单枪匹马应对这些挑战，也没有任何国家能在孤立中实现繁荣。我们从来没有像现在这样如此需要国际合作，特别是大国之间的合作。这就是为什么中国提出了构建新型国际关系、构建人类命运共同体的设想。中国将继续为促进世界和平、实现共同繁荣、维护国际秩序做出自己的贡献。

More than ever before, we need to enhance international cooperation, especially the kind among major countries. That is why China has proposed building a new model of international relations and a community with a shared future for mankind. For its part, China will continue to contribute to building global peace, promoting prosperity, and upholding the international order.　　

 

在国际秩序问题上，近来有人指责中国意图颠覆现行国际秩序，是所谓的“修正主义国家”。我认为这完全是对中国的误解。所谓国际秩序，是指二战以后建立的以联合国系统为中心、以《联合国宪章》为基础的国际秩序。《联合国宪章》的宗旨和原则确立了国际关系基本准则，如各国主权平等原则、和平解决国际争端原则、不使用或威胁使用武力原则、尊重各国政治独立和领土完整原则、不干涉别国内政原则等。

Speaking of the international order, there have been accusations against China for being a so-called “revisionist power” attempting to overturn the existing international order. I think this is a gross misinterpretation of China’s intention. When we talk about the international order, we are referring to the one that was established at the end of the Second World War with the United Nations system at its core and the UN Charter as its basis. The purposes and principles of the UN Charter lay out the basic norms of international relations, such as sovereign equality among member states, peaceful settlement of international disputes, obligation of member states to refrain from threat or use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of other countries, and non-interference in matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of member states.

　　

中国在恪守上述原则方面保持着良好记录。中国一贯反对在国际关系中使用或威胁使用武力，除非得到联合国安理会根据《联合国宪章》做出的授权。中国一贯主张通过对话谈判解决国际争端。我们在处理包括朝核问题在内的诸多国际地区难题时，始终坚持上述原则并为此做出了不懈努力。我们将继续呼吁尊重所有联合国会员国的主权、领土完整和独立，并为弱小和贫穷国家仗义执言。

China has been committed to all these principles. And we have a very strong track record in this regard. China is always opposed to the threat or use of force in international relations unless it is authorized by the United Nations Security Council under the UN Charter. China has always advocated for solving international disputes through dialogue and negotiation. This has been our position on so many difficult international issues, including the Korean nuclear issue, and China has made consistent efforts to this end. We will continue to speak out for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of all UN members, particularly the small, weak, and poor countries.

 

与中方做法形成鲜明对比的是，有些国家屡屡违反上述原则，频繁使用或威胁使用武力，侵犯其他联合国会员国的主权。他们在未获联合国安理会授权的情况下，甚至不顾安理会成员国的明确反对，执意发动战争，打着“人道主义干预”和“保护的责任”的旗号，使一些地区陷入混乱、生灵涂炭。

By contrast, there have been so many cases of violating these principles. Threat or use of force has been so frequent to violate the sovereignty of member states, and wars were started without the UN Security Council authorization, or even in defiance of clear opposition from Security Council members. Chaos and bloodshed have occurred in the name of “humanitarian intervention” or “responsibility to protect”.

 

《联合国宪章》开宗明义地指出：“我联合国人民同兹决心欲免后世再遭今代人类两度身历惨不堪言之战祸。”过去70多年，我们是否真正做到了？我们能否使我们这一代及子孙后代免于战祸？这还是个未知数。

The first sentence of the UN Charter goes, “We the peoples of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind.” Have we really succeeded in doing so in the last 70 years and more? Will we be successful to save the current and future generations from the scourge of war in the years to come? This is still an open question.

 

遗憾的是，正是那些一再违章的人反而对其他国家横加指责，企图给他们贴上“修正主义国家”的标签。坦率地说，这些人应该有一点儿羞耻感。现在是再次回顾并重申这些基本原则的时候了。只有这样，我们才能确保国际秩序更加合理、有效。

Unfortunately, the very people who are responsible for all such violations are now pointing the finger at other countries as “revisionist countries”. Honestly I think these people should have a better sense of shame. I think it is high time for us to review and reaffirm these basic principles so that we can have a better and more effective international order.

　　

稳定的大国关系特别是中美关系，对维护和加强国际秩序至关重要。明年初，我们将迎来中美建交40周年。孔子说“四十不惑”。但事实上，人们在许多问题上仍然时常感到困惑。要处理好中美关系这一重要的双边关系，我们需要消除一些困惑。

In our efforts to stabilize and strengthen the international order, the key is to have stability of the relations among major powers, and perhaps most importantly the stability and strength of the relations between China and the United States. We will mark the 40th anniversary of the diplomatic relations between the two countries early next year. Confucius once said, “At forty, one will no longer suffer from perplexity.” But the reality is that people are still very often perplexed on so many issues. I think there is a need to clear up some of the confusions about the important relationship between China and the United States.

 

首先，中美关系40年发展给两国带来了实实在在的利益，也为亚太地区乃至世界稳定和繁荣做出了重要贡献。冷战时期两次最大的“热战”都发生在亚洲，但今天亚太地区总体保持和平稳定，甚至朝核问题也总体可控。不仅如此，中美共同推动亚太地区成为世界经济增长最重要的引擎之一，我们还共同克服了上世纪90年代末的亚洲金融危机和约10年前发生的国际金融危机。国际货币基金组织（IMF）数据显示，过去两年亚洲对全球经济增长的贡献率达到三分之二。我认为，中美两国在这一过程中功不可没。

First, forty years of diplomatic ties and cooperation have served the interests of both countries quite well. In addition to all the bilateral benefits we have gained from this relationship, we have also seen its positive impact in the broader region of the Asia-Pacific and the world. For instance, two of the largest hot wars during the Cold War era took place in Asia. But today, thanks largely to the good relations between our two countries, the Asia-Pacific is on the whole peaceful and stable. Even problems like the Korean nuclear issue are under control. Plus, our two countries have also helped to make the Asia-Pacific one of the main engines of global economic growth. We have overcome two financial crises – the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s and the international financial crisis that broke out about ten years ago. According to the IMF, Asia contributed two-thirds of global economic growth in the last two years. I think China and the U.S. can take a lot of credit for that. 

 

当然，美国采取对华接触政策的目的是服务于自身利益。正如尼克松总统第一次访华时对毛泽东主席和周恩来总理说的，“我是为了美国利益而来的”。一个良好的中美关系有利于两国人民。随着两国关系的发展，双方共同需求和共同利益正在日益扩大。中美都是联合国安理会常任理事国，还是世界上最大的两个经济体，有许多国际和地区问题及全球性挑战需要我们共同面对和推动解决。维护世界和平与稳定、促进全球经济增长与繁荣，符合我们两国的共同利益，也是我们两国对国际社会的共同责任。

Of course, the U.S. policy of engagement with China was designed to serve its own interest. As President Nixon said to Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai during his first visit to China, “I have come for American interest.” And this relationship has served both countries quite well, and the mutual needs and common interests that we have between us are still expanding. There are so many international and regional issues on which we have to work together. And there are so many global challenges we have to respond together because we are both permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and we are the two largest economies in the world. We do share common interests and responsibilities in maintaining global peace and stability, and in promoting global economic growth and prosperity. This is our responsibility to the international community.

 

与此同时，中美两国都有各自重要的国内议程需要完成。一个稳定牢固的中美关系有利于我们更好地实现各自国内发展目标。

At the same time, each of our countries has its own important domestic agenda to accomplish. A stable and stronger relationship between us will make each of us accomplish our domestic goals better.

当然，中美之间的确存在一定程度的竞争，这是不可避免的。只要我们的竞争遵循基本的国际准则，只要这种竞争以公平、建设性和相互促进的方式进行，那么这样的竞争就符合两国的长远利益。对中美这样的大国而言，我们的竞争实际上主要不是围绕国际问题，而是各自的治国理政。如果我们能把各自国家治理好，没有人能够威胁或改变我们；但是如果我们连自己的国家都治理不好，那么也没有人帮得了我们。

Of course, there is a certain degree of competition between us. This is inevitable. But as long as we both follow the basic international norms, as long as the competition is fair, constructive and mutually stimulating, such competition will serve the long-term interests of both countries. What is more, for big countries like China and the U.S., the real competition is not in the international affairs, but in our respective domestic governance. If we have good governance in our own country, nobody else could threaten or change us. If we fail to have good governance at home, nobody else could help us.

　　

中美是两个非常不同的国家，在历史、文化、政治制度、发展阶段等方面都存在差异，两国之间存在一些分歧和问题是自然的。但是我们应对这些分歧加以区分。在涉及主权和领土完整、国家统一的问题上，中方没有任何妥协退让的余地，这是一条红线。在经贸问题上，我们应该在相互尊重基础上通过对话协商，妥善、平衡解决双方关切，实现互利共赢。近来有很多关于中美之间可能爆发贸易战的讨论。我想强调：贸易是为了互利，战争将导致两败俱伤，贸易战解决不了任何问题，只会摧毁贸易往来。

Naturally, there are always problems between China and the U.S., because we are very different in terms of history, culture, political system, and economic development. But we must distinguish different kinds of differences. On matters concerning sovereignty, territorial integrity and national reunification, there is no room for compromise, and there is a red line. On economic and trade issues, solutions should be worked out through dialogue and consultation on the basis of mutual respect and balanced approach to address the concerns of each side aiming at win-win outcomes. Recently there has been much talk about a possible trade war between China and the United States. I want to make it clear here: Trade is for mutual benefits. War is about mutual destruction. A trade war serves no meaningful purpose. It will only destroy trade itself.

展望未来，中美关系既面临机遇，也面临挑战。中美关系未来如何发展，很大程度上取决于我们今天选择以何种心态去看待自身、看待世界、看待不断变化的世界中的中美关系。如果我们任由冷战思维和“零和博弈”支配我们，那么目之所及都是陷阱和阴谋。人们甚至会对“一带一路”这样积极的新倡议、对语言学习等文化交流产生疑惧，会无端地认为别人的梦想就是自己的梦魇。如果我们抱持更积极、更合作的心态，我们就能洞悉新趋势、抓住机遇，并将挑战化为机遇，为两国人民带来实实在在的利益。

Looking forward, China-U.S. relations will have tremendous opportunities as well as challenges. The prospects will very much depend on the choices we make today. It will depend on what kind of mindset we have to perceive ourselves, the world and our relations in this changing world. If we allow ourselves to be dominated by Cold War zero-sum mentality, then we will see traps and conspiracy everywhere. And people could even become suspicious and fearful of new and positive ideas, such as the Belt and Road Initiative. People could even become suspicious and fearful of cultural exchanges and language learning. And for no good reason whatsoever, they could make other people’s dream their own nightmare. If we have a more positive and cooperative mindset, we could see clearly the emerging trends in the world, seize new opportunities, and turn challenges into opportunities. That will bring about real benefits for the peoples of our two countries. 

不久前，我读了微软首席执行官萨蒂亚·纳德拉写《刷新》一书。他在书中提出，拥有积极的心态和学习的文化是非常重要的。书中所倡导的开放、积极和前瞻性的态度给我很多启发。或许在国际关系理论中，我们也应该点击“刷新”键，这样才能更好地理解21世纪的世界新形势和新趋势，从而共同推动构建新型国际关系和人类命运共同体。否则，说不定哪一天我们可能被人工智能所取代。

Not long ago I read a book entitled “Hit Refresh” written by Microsoft CEO, Mr. Satya Nadella. He put forward the idea that people should have a positive mindset and learning culture. I was inspired by his open, positive and forward-looking attitude. Maybe in international relations theories, we also have to hit the refresh button, so that we will have a better understanding of the new realities of the 21st century and the emerging trends of the world, and we can join hands in building a new model of international relations and community with a shared future for mankind. Otherwise, we might all be replaced by artificial intelligence someday. 

从1981年我第一次踏上美国的土地至今，我作为留学生、联合国职员和外交官，已先后在美国生活了11年。我在美国学到的东西很大程度上改变了我的生活、工作以及我对世界事务的看法，对我产生的影响是积极正面的。然而近来，我却开始感到困惑。我问自己，现在的美国还是我以前认识的那个开放、自信、乐观的美国吗？我在华盛顿找不到答案，于是今天我来到了哈佛大学，相信你们会给我一个答案。

I came to the United States for the first time in 1981. And now altogether I have spent more than 11 years in this country, as a student, as a UN employee, and then as a diplomat. What I learned in the U.S. has changed my life, my work and my perception of the world to a great extent. And the influence has been quite positive. But more recently, I feel a little bit puzzled and confused. I ask myself, is the America I used to know – an open, confident, optimistic America – still there? Since I cannot find the answer in Washington, D.C., I have come to Harvard today. I am sure you will give me a good answer.

 

谢谢！

Thank you.